Thank you very much; welcome. We have decided to request a session of the United Nations General Assembly under agenda item 38, titled "Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States of America against Cuba." This session will take place on the morning of July 7.
Together with the other United Nations member states, Cuba will denounce the aggressive actions taken by the United States government against our country—including the threat of direct military aggression—which violate international law as well as international and regional peace and security. We will denounce the energy blockade, which, alongside other measures that have extremely intensified the blockade, constitutes an act of genocide; it also qualifies as collective punishment and a massive, flagrant, and systematic violation of the human rights of the Cuban people and of international humanitarian law. These are acts that inflict growing harm, deprivation, and suffering upon our people.
Cuba is not, nor can it be, a threat to the national security of the United States, a major military and nuclear power. Cuba is not a threat. The blockade is.
The blockade—and the United States government's policy of aggression and hostility toward Cuba—poses a threat to the existence and well-being of the Cuban people and to the exercise of their human rights. It is a threat to regional peace, security, and stability. It is a threat to any sovereign state that could, in the future, be subjected to measures of a similarly aggressive and extraterritorial nature. The General Assembly—the most democratic, universal, and representative body of the United Nations—will be able to address this issue on the 7th with objectivity and, surely, in adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, particularly respect for the sovereign equality of States and their territorial integrity and political independence, the prohibition of the threat or use of force, respect for the self-determination of peoples and non-interference in internal affairs, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes. We are certain that the vast majority of the international community supports and will continue to support Cuba—which means upholding international law and the United Nations Charter.
This is an urgent situation because the multidimensional aggression by the United States government against Cuba is already underway and intensifying. It is not an impending danger or a future threat; it is a crime against humanity currently being perpetrated. The humanitarian damage is mounting, and the suffering and deprivation inflicted upon our people increase by the day.
This systemic aggression is reinforced by the use of communication, digital, and monopolistic media power to attempt to isolate and discredit Cuba, and to try to justify the unjustifiable crime that imperialism is committing against our people. Recent publications by prestigious Cuban and international media outlets have demonstrated the connection, coordination, and deliberate use by the State Department of U.S. media outlets as part of the aggression against Cuba. This is done to establish slanderous and deceitful narratives, to lie to and mislead U.S., international, and even Cuban public opinion, and even to pressure political sectors within the United States or influence the White House itself. For approximately the last three to four weeks, this has been complemented by an intense diplomatic campaign in capitals across the globe and within multilateral forums.
The situation is extraordinary due to the brutal nature of the actions being taken and the coercive, threatening manner in which they are applied against the governments and foreign ministries of other states. The U.S. Permanent Mission in New York—at the United Nations headquarters and other international bodies—along with U.S. embassies worldwide, are exerting unprecedented pressure to try to prevent the session scheduled for this coming July 7th from taking place. The State Department’s diplomatic apparatus is using pressure, blackmail, and threats to try to stop the United Nations General Assembly from considering an issue of global interest and immense urgency.
They are attempting to intimidate United Nations member states. They are trying to silence their voices and suppress their right to speak out on a matter directly related to international peace and security and the well-being of an entire people. At this moment, the United States Permanent Mission in New York is threatening to take procedural steps to prevent the General Assembly from meeting and deliberating on this issue.
They are attempting, through coercive methods, to prevent the most democratic body of the United Nations from exercising the powers granted to it by the Charter. This behaviour compounds the United States government's persistent attempt to hamstring the UN Security Council by abusing the veto privilege. It is an inconceivable effort—lobbying capitals worldwide—to justify aggressive actions that are already causing deaths in Cuba and would cause many more—a bloodbath, a humanitarian catastrophe—should the U.S. government choose to unleash a military adventure against Cuba, as it constantly threatens to do.
We are aware of the conduct and constant instigation by the Secretary of State and other politicians—primarily those linked to Florida—who are trying to force the U.S. President into a decision with incalculable consequences that would severely damage his legacy. I will demonstrate this using three U.S. documents that are currently circulating in an opaque, clandestine manner; these documents form the basis for the meetings and pressure campaigns directed at diplomats and government officials across the globe. One is this document here; it begins with the phrase "It's time for change in Cuba" and hypocritically asserts that the suffering of the Cuban people must not continue.
It claims that Cuba poses a direct threat to U.S. national security due to its support for hostile actors, terrorism, and regional instability. Yet this document—which, as you can see, is quite extensive—is several pages long, and from this point to the end, it focuses on threatening foreign nationals with sanctions. In other words, it is a document containing threats of the extraterritorial and punitive application of trade or economic measures of any kind—unilateral coercive measures and the use of sanctions that are illegal under international law. This document complements Executive Order 14404, which—in an ambiguous and vague manner—authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to impose sanctions at will, aiming, among other things, to create an atmosphere of opacity designed to intimidate states, companies, and individuals involved in the sector. It lists entities, individuals, and financial institutions that merely have some form of link to Cuba, stating that their dealings with U.S. entities will be blocked. It contains extraordinary and threatening provisions that apply regardless of whether a state, entity, or person actually maintains commercial relations with Cuba.
It even states—and I quote—"if there are no links between your country"—and it seems to point a finger here—"even if there are no links between your country and the target or the objective of the sanctions included in this announcement by the Secretary of the Treasury, the United States continues to urge you"—addressing the recipient directly in the second person—"and urges you to review any ties to Cuba that could expose you, your people, or your business to the risk of sanctions, should sectors of the Cuban economy involved in this be identified." It also issues an imperative: "I ask you to review current financial and commercial relations with Cuba in light of these new sanctions. I warn your companies and financial institutions of the risks of sanctions."
"I urge you to consider aligning yourself with U.S. efforts to hold the Cuban government accountable for its threats to regional security and stability, and I urge you to coordinate with the United States on the implementation and enforcement of these measures." It goes so far as to assert that any financial institution of any kind must proceed with caution in any dealings with any entity sanctioned under this authority, lest it become a target and face the risk of sanctions. And it asks of you—since the document remains imperative and direct—"it requests your coordination and support, and asks that you work cooperatively with the United States government on these matters of mutual interest."
It reiterates that Cuba's actions constitute a direct threat to U.S. national security and asserts that they require decisive action. It states, "I urge you to carefully consider the implications of maintaining any type of economic relationship with Cuba and to take appropriate steps to reduce your exposure to sanctions related to that country." A second document is being circulated; its opening line reads: "The regime must reform, it must change; do not vote for its propaganda."
It then lists a series of deceitful and slanderous chapters—offensive to the dignity and sovereignty of any State and to the standing of any diplomat subjected to such questioning—and refers to the upcoming vote on the United Nations General Assembly resolution titled "Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States of America against Cuba," which traditionally takes place at the end of the year. According to the General Assembly’s schedule, this vote is set for October 27 of this year, just as it has been on 33 previous occasions. It is a resolution that has consistently received overwhelming support from the majority of member states, despite attempts to amend or taint it, to procedurally undermine consideration of the issue, or—particularly last year—to exert brutal pressure to force states to alter their statements during the UN General Debate held at the start of the session (attended by heads of state, dignitaries, and the like) or even to change their vote on this resolution.
It claims, for instance, that "only Cuba is to blame for the economic problems." It asserts that "the United States embargo is legal," addresses human rights issues, and concludes once again with a threat, stating that "Cuba is a threat to peace and security."
There is a third document—on which the State Department works tirelessly, as if it had nothing more important to do—a completely slanderous document (the one I am holding up here) that attempts to portray Cuba as a belligerent party in the war in Ukraine; it is full of lies, devoid of a single piece of evidence or a single fact. I must categorically reject the military threat posed by the planet's greatest military and nuclear power against a small island nation—a country of the Global South. I must reiterate that there are no foreign military bases in Cuba and that the Secretary of State is deliberately lying when he claims otherwise. The only foreign base usurping our country's territory is the U.S. base occupying territory in Guantánamo.
Havana was the site where the proclamation declaring Latin America and the Caribbean a zone of peace was signed. Cuba has been, is, and will continue to be a country of peace.
We have cooperated—and will continue to cooperate, despite its hostility—with the United States government on law enforcement matters, specifically in combating drug trafficking, international organized crime, human trafficking, and, in particular, terrorism. This cooperation continues even though Cuba is currently a victim of terrorist acts—as well as the incitement of terrorism and violence—perpetrated from U.S. territory with absolute impunity, involving funding and the participation of notorious terrorists. Evidence regarding this has been provided to, and is constantly updated for, the U.S. government—particularly in 2023, a matter we revisited following the thwarted infiltration attempt by a heavily armed terrorist commando unit carrying military-grade weaponry and high-powered explosives in the Corralillo area.
I reiterate that Cuba does not participate in any way in the war in Ukraine and that it prosecutes mercenary activities, as established by the Constitution of the Republic. It is a known fact that criminal proceedings have been initiated against dozens of defendants, and that 12 of these cases have concluded with 31 individuals receiving severe sentences.
The United States government constantly employs impossible, completely unrealistic, and utterly mendacious pretexts to try to justify its aggression—and, above all, to prevent U.S. public opinion from recognizing the grave humanitarian damage these policies inflict upon our country. They use a wide range of well-known arguments that we have categorically and systematically rejected.
Recently—approximately three or four days ago—the United States government attempted to block an international agency within the United Nations system, the World Food Programme, from approving humanitarian food aid for the Cuban people. They tried to prevent this through underhanded procedural manoeuvres—even affecting the interests of four other states unrelated to the issue—in order to bundle the matter into a package with procedural viability that would stop the World Food Programme from making a decision regarding food aid for Cuba. It is well known that the brutal, total energy blockade currently imposed on Cuba, along with the extreme tightening of blockade measures, has a severe impact on the food supply—specifically access to and prices of staple foods for Cuban families.
This is an urgent situation because the multidimensional aggression by the United States government against Cuba is already underway and intensifying. It is not an impending danger or a future threat; it is a crime against humanity currently being perpetrated. The humanitarian damage is mounting, and the suffering and deprivation inflicted upon our people increase by the day.
This systemic aggression is reinforced by the use of communication, digital, and monopolistic media power to attempt to isolate and discredit Cuba, and to try to justify the unjustifiable crime that imperialism is committing against our people. Recent publications by prestigious Cuban and international media outlets have demonstrated the connection, coordination, and deliberate use by the State Department of U.S. media outlets as part of the aggression against Cuba. This is done to establish slanderous and deceitful narratives, to lie to and mislead U.S., international, and even Cuban public opinion, and even to pressure political sectors within the United States or influence the White House itself. For approximately the last three to four weeks, this has been complemented by an intense diplomatic campaign in capitals across the globe and within multilateral forums.
The situation is extraordinary due to the brutal nature of the actions being taken and the coercive, threatening manner in which they are applied against the governments and foreign ministries of other states. The U.S. Permanent Mission in New York—at the United Nations headquarters and other international bodies—along with U.S. embassies worldwide, are exerting unprecedented pressure to try to prevent the session scheduled for this coming July 7th from taking place. The State Department’s diplomatic apparatus is using pressure, blackmail, and threats to try to stop the United Nations General Assembly from considering an issue of global interest and immense urgency.
They are attempting to intimidate United Nations member states. They are trying to silence their voices and suppress their right to speak out on a matter directly related to international peace and security and the well-being of an entire people. At this moment, the United States Permanent Mission in New York is threatening to take procedural steps to prevent the General Assembly from meeting and deliberating on this issue.
They are attempting, through coercive methods, to prevent the most democratic body of the United Nations from exercising the powers granted to it by the Charter. This behaviour compounds the United States government's persistent aim to hamstring the UN Security Council by abusing the veto privilege. It is an inconceivable effort—lobbying capitals worldwide—to justify aggressive actions that are already causing deaths in Cuba and would cause many more—a bloodbath, a humanitarian catastrophe—should the U.S. government choose to unleash a military adventure against Cuba, as it constantly threatens to do.
We are aware of the conduct and constant incitement by the Secretary of State and other politicians—primarily those linked to Florida—who are trying to force the U.S. President into a decision with incalculable consequences that would severely damage his legacy. I will demonstrate this using three U.S. documents that are currently circulating in an opaque, clandestine manner; these documents form the basis for the meetings and pressure tactics directed at diplomats and government officials across various regions. One is this document here; it begins with the phrase "It's time for change in Cuba" and hypocritically asserts that the suffering of the Cuban people must not continue.
It claims that Cuba poses a direct threat to U.S. national security due to its support for hostile actors, terrorism, and regional instability. Yet this document—which, as you can see, is extensive and spans several pages—is dedicated, from this point to the end, to threatening foreign nationals with sanctions. In other words, it is a document containing threats of the extraterritorial and punitive application of trade or economic measures of any kind—unilateral coercive measures and the use of sanctions that are illegal under international law.
This document complements Executive Order 14404, which—in an ambiguous and vague manner—authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to impose sanctions at will. One of the objectives is to create an atmosphere of opacity designed to intimidate states, companies, and individuals involved in the sector. It lists entities, individuals, and financial institutions that merely have some form of connection to Cuba, stating that their relationships with U.S. entities will be blocked. It contains extraordinary and threatening language that applies regardless of whether a state, entity, or person actually maintains commercial relations with Cuba.
It even states—and I quote—"if there are no links between your country" (and it seems to point a finger here), "even if there are no links between your country and the target or the scope of the sanctions included in this announcement by the Secretary of the Treasury, the United States continues to urge you"—addressing the reader directly in the second person—"and urges you to review any ties to Cuba that could expose you, your people, or your business to the risk of sanctions, should sectors of the Cuban economy involved in this be identified." It also issues an imperative: "I ask you to review current financial and commercial relations with Cuba in light of these new sanctions. I warn your companies and financial institutions of the risks of sanctions."
"I urge you to consider aligning with U.S. efforts to hold the Cuban government accountable for its threats to regional security and stability, and I urge you to coordinate with the United States on the implementation and enforcement of these measures." It goes so far as to assert that any financial institution—of any nature—must proceed with caution in any dealings with an entity sanctioned under this authority, lest it become a target itself and face the risk of sanctions. Finally, it calls upon you—maintaining an imperative and direct tone—by "requesting your coordination and support, and asking that you work cooperatively with the United States government on these matters of mutual interest."
It insists once again that Cuba’s actions constitute a direct threat to United States national security and asserts that they require decisive action. It states: "I urge you to carefully consider the implications of continuing any type of economic relationship with Cuba and to take appropriate steps to reduce your exposure to sanctions related to that country." A second document is being circulated; its opening line reads: "The regime must reform, it must change; do not vote for its propaganda."
It then lists a series of mendacious and slanderous points—offensive to the dignity and sovereignty of any State and to the standing of any diplomat subjected to such questioning—and refers to the upcoming vote on the United Nations General Assembly resolution titled "Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States of America against Cuba," which traditionally takes place at the end of the year. According to the General Assembly calendar, this vote is scheduled for October 27 of this year, just as it has been on 33 previous occasions. It is a resolution that has consistently received overwhelming support from the majority of member states, despite attempts to amend or taint it, to procedurally undermine consideration of the issue, or—particularly last year—to exert brutal pressure to force states to alter their statements during the UN General Assembly’s general debate (attended by heads of state, dignitaries, and the like) or even to change their country's vote on this resolution.
It claims, for instance, that "Cuba alone is to blame for the economic problems." It asserts that "the United States embargo is legal," addresses human rights issues, and concludes once again with a threat, stating: "Cuba is a threat to peace and security." There is a third document—on which the State Department is working assiduously, as if it had nothing more important to do—a completely slanderous document (the one I am showing here) that attempts to portray Cuba as a belligerent party in the war taking place in Ukraine; it is full of lies, devoid of a single shred of evidence or a single fact. I must categorically reject the military threat posed by the planet's leading military and nuclear power against a small island nation—a country of the Global South. I must reiterate that there are no foreign military bases in Cuba and that the Secretary of State is deliberately lying when he claims otherwise.
The only foreign base usurping our country's territory is the U.S. base occupying territory in Guantánamo.
Havana was the site where the proclamation declaring Latin America and the Caribbean a zone of peace was signed. Cuba has been, is, and will continue to be a country of peace.
We have cooperated—and will continue to cooperate, despite its hostility—with the United States government on law enforcement matters, including combating drug trafficking, international organized crime, human trafficking, and, in particular, terrorism. This cooperation continues even though Cuba is currently a victim of terrorist acts and of the incitement to terrorism and violence—carried out with absolute impunity from U.S. territory, involving funding and the participation of notorious terrorists—evidence of which has been provided to and constantly updated for the U.S. government, particularly in 2023. We revisited this issue following a thwarted infiltration attempt by a heavily armed terrorist commando unit—equipped with military-grade weaponry and high-powered explosives—in the Corralillo area.
I reiterate that Cuba does not participate in any way in the war in Ukraine and that it prosecutes mercenary activities, as established by the Constitution of the Republic. It is a known fact that criminal proceedings have been initiated against dozens of defendants, and that 12 of these cases have concluded with 31 individuals receiving severe sentences.
The United States government constantly employs impossible, completely unrealistic, and utterly mendacious pretexts to try to justify its aggression—and, above all, to prevent U.S. public opinion from recognizing the grave humanitarian damage these policies inflict upon our country. They use a wide range of elements that are well known and which we have categorically and systematically rejected.
Recently—about three or four days ago—the United States government attempted to block an international agency within the United Nations system, the World Food Programme, from approving humanitarian food aid for the Cuban people. It tried to do so through underhanded procedural manoeuvres, even affecting the interests of four other states unrelated to the issue, simply to construct a package with enough procedural viability to prevent the World Food Programme from making a decision regarding food aid for Cuba.
It is well known that the brutal, total energy blockade currently imposed on Cuba, along with the extreme tightening of blockade measures, has a severe impact on the food supply—specifically on access to and the prices of staple foods for Cuban families.
This program is valued at $116 million. Despite its procedural ploys, the United States government found itself completely isolated during the democratic vote at the World Food Programme; it was supported by only one other state.
This behavior stands in stark contrast to the United States' offer of $100 million in humanitarian aid to Cuba—an offer that the Secretary of State to the Holy See lied about in that significant setting, claiming it had been made and subsequently rejected by the Cuban government, when in fact no such offer had existed at the time, nor had it been rejected by Cuba.
It is a known fact that once the United States government—and various religious organizations—subsequently reached out to Cuba and their Cuban counterparts, the Cuban government accepted the offer, based strictly on the standard principles governing international cooperation and humanitarian aid. It is nothing short of cynical for the very executioner—the architect of the energy blockade and the extreme tightening of the embargo that causes billions of dollars in damages annually (I recall that last year, damages were conservatively estimated at $7.556 billion, nearly 50% higher than the previous year)—to act this way.
Accumulated damages amount to some $170 billion, not counting the humanitarian toll. Who could estimate the damage caused by the energy blockade? It is difficult to estimate even the direct and indirect economic damage, but the suffering, deprivation, anguish, blackouts, and difficulties in obtaining food and medicines cannot be quantified in numbers. The human cost is incalculable.
The fanfare surrounding that $100 million figure has not materialized in any meaningful way. Regarding the $3 million in aid pledged long ago—following the hurricane—I can state that only $2.8 million has actually been utilized, and only very recently. Later, there was an announcement offering $9 million in humanitarian aid, which was quickly reduced to $6 million; I can state that, to date—after many long months—only $90,000 of that $6 million has been utilized.
Of course, $100 million would help—though one must acknowledge that this amount is equivalent to just five days of the blockade. If used entirely for electricity generation, it would sustain power only to a very limited extent for 15 days—roughly $10 per Cuban. Yet the inconsistency is such—and I challenge the Secretary of State to confirm or deny this—that churches in Cuba are being informed that this aid cannot be implemented until the end of the year; that it will certainly not be implemented in the coming months; and that it will include neither powdered milk nor medicines. I ask why these conditions are being imposed, and I challenge the Secretary of State to confirm or deny this information.
The General Assembly will therefore consider the item "Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial blockade against Cuba" on July 7. We are convinced that the General Assembly will—as it has historically done—pronounce itself in favour of international law and the United Nations Charter, and will almost certainly call upon the United States government to lift its genocidal measures, which are illegal under international law and international humanitarian law. It will almost certainly demand the immediate and unconditional lifting of the fuel blockade.
Cuba is a nation that cherishes peace and dialogue. We firmly believe in multilateralism and the central role of the United Nations. We will persist in preserving Latin America and the Caribbean as a zone of peace.
For the Cuban people, a free, sovereign, dignified, and independent homeland is sacred. Generations of patriots have paid the ultimate price and endured every sacrifice for that ideal. Now, it will be no different.
For that ideal—and in the face of a scenario of aggression that we do not desire and hope never comes to pass—we will fight to the very end. Cuba is not a threat; the blockade is. Thank you very much.