Yaira Jiménez Roig, Director General of Press, Communication and Image: Thank you for being here, my colleagues from the national press, my colleagues from the foreign press. This appearance is being broadcast live on Cubavisión, Cubavisión Internacional, Cuban Radio, Canal Caribe, and also on the CubaMINREX YouTube channel. My colleagues inform me that there are present, Minister, 32 journalists from 21 media outlets from 12 countries and, of course, my colleagues from the national press. You have the floor. Minister: Thank you very much for your attendance. I want to share with our people and with the international community, with American citizens, information regarding yesterday's events. I have also received numerous questions through the networks, through digital network accounts, and, in general, I am aware of the conversation that has taken place and the debate regarding these issues. The first question I have repeatedly received is why? Why has the Government of the United States of America taken these three decisions, which I will comment on later. My opinion is that he has taken them because his plan has failed. Because the vision of causing the collapse of the Cuban economy, the social explosion, the execution of Mr. Lester Mallory's memorandum to overthrow the Cuban Revolution through measures that cause hunger, desperation and the overthrow of the government is still unable to achieve its objectives. It is true that the measures of the blockade as a whole, and in particular the intensification of these since 2017, and especially the additional measures taken by the previous Republican Government since mid-2019, have created very difficult circumstances for our economy, generate considerable humanitarian damage, cause difficulties, anxiety, suffering to Cuban families.
However, neither the collapse of the economy nor the overthrow of the Government has occurred. My opinion is that the Government of the United States of America has made these decisions based on the recognition that the policy it applied towards Cuba is an obsolete, failed policy, which does not contribute to the objectives or the national interests of the United States, nor does it have the support of the American citizens or the Cubans residing in that country. It is the recognition that it causes a very serious international isolation, discredit to its foreign policy and damages instruments that the United States government supposedly needs to fulfill certain objectives of its international agenda. And precisely this occurs based on the resistance and the advances that, despite the enormous difficulties we face and that are perceptible in our streets, in our workplaces, in our homes, the support of the Cuban people for the Revolution, for the constitutional order that it gave itself in a sovereign manner and in the exercise of free determination, is maintained and persists. These measures are taking place thanks to the creativity of our people, thanks to their daily heroism, thanks to their nobility that inspires admiration, respect, support and solidarity internationally and within broad sectors of the United States. Another persistent question is why now? It is a question that would be good to ask the United States government in the days that it will still be exercising that function. It should be asked. The Cuban government has historically and persistently proposed to the Government of the United States of America to maintain a respectful, responsible dialogue, on the basis of sovereign equality, reciprocal benefit, mutual respect, without interference in the internal affairs of our countries. It has done so publicly, repeatedly through President Fidel Castro, through President Raúl Castro, through President Miguel Díaz-Canel, and it has also done so repeatedly and respectfully in private. It should be asked of the United States Government why it has waited until now to do what it could have done and what many of its voters, including citizens of Cuban origin, have been waiting for since its election. Because in its electoral platform it committed to adopting significant changes in the United States policy towards Cuba that, as is known, the previous and next Republican administration had implemented, causing a serious setback with respect to the progress that had been achieved in the years 2014-2016. I must reiterate that the Cuban Government has always had and has today, and will have tomorrow and next week and in the future, the full will to work in favor of civilized relations for the benefit of our peoples, despite the very deep differences that we have with the American governments. That our willingness to maintain a dialogue in these circumstances, which are those demanded by international law, remains intact and that we will reiterate this will to the next government.
Thirdly, I have heard a lot of questions about whether these measures are reversible. Of course, they are reversible, as stated in the statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs published yesterday. They are executive measures that could be reversed in an executive manner. However, I have read some opinions today, curiously, from some of those who drafted the previous measures, from some of those who participated, were the protagonists, caused the setback in the bilateral relationship, pointing out that it will take time and work to reverse them. We should ask the next US government as well. However, it will be very important, in my opinion, to consider that whatever happens in relation to these measures in the future, they are an important event, an event that has traveled around the world and that has received very broad international support in the few hours. We are about 24 hours from the main announcements made by both governments. It has garnered international recognition and solidarity, internal debate in the United States within the terrible political polarization that exists in that country, but significant support from American citizens, organizations, institutions. And in Cuba it has been welcomed by our people, with the hope that this could open a path towards an improvement in bilateral relations, with full awareness that in the future they will have to be judged by their practical results and knowing perfectly well that we must not have illusions or excessive expectations. Let us analyse the value of the measures. I brought the texts with me. I would suggest that people who are interested in this matter read not only the Minrex statements and the White House communiqué, but that they read the legal documents signed by the Government, signed in his own handwriting by the President of the United States of America. One is this, the certificate of rescission of the designation of Cuba as a State sponsor of terrorism. This unilateral and arbitrary list, the truth is, already lacked any credibility or prestige on an international scale, but its practical effects, especially in the financial sector, are extraordinary and it causes considerable economic damage and extreme humanitarian damage. Foreign policy is always a State policy. There is supposed to be a responsibility of States that should not be subject to the whims of governments, much less to the whims of domestic politics or electoral competitions or trickery. If the President of the United States of America, through an interagency process in which the entire United States government, its intelligence community, and dozens of institutions participate, affirms that Cuba is not a state sponsor of terrorism, that is important. If he affirms that the United States government does not have the slightest evidence that Cuba has been involved or accused of being involved in terrorist acts in the last period. If he recognizes that the Cuban government maintains a position of confronting terrorism in any of its forms, manifestations, motivations that the international community recognizes and that Cuba periodically reiterates to it. This seems to me to have value. It has a curious precedent, which is from May 2024, when Secretary of State Blinken made a statement at a House of Representatives hearing, when Cuba was removed from that other, less important, less known list of countries that do not fully cooperate with the supposed anti-terrorist efforts of the United States government. And there was a congresswoman who hysterically and disrespectfully pursued him during that hearing, in which Secretary Blinken said that circumstances have changed and refuted each of the pretexts that the previous government had used to include Cuba again on that list.
All the pretexts, the one about Cuba's links to terrorism, another of a different nature, or the presence of alleged terrorists in Cuba. Well, it could happen that this is reversed again. It will be difficult to explain it if it were to happen. In an arbitrary, unmotivated manner, Cuba was included in this list. Then, in 2015, with a certification very similar to this one, the president of the United States reversed that and again assured seriously and definitively what President Biden is now affirming again. Well, if another president were to come, the next one or the one after, and include Cuba in the list again, we would have to ask ourselves what the reasons are. What would the agencies of the US government, the law enforcement agencies, say? Where would the credibility of the US government be? This would seem like a mess. In Cuba they would call it a mess. That is to say, one president makes accusations of one kind, another denies them and changes them, another comes along and makes them again and then another comes along and repeats the previous ones. It seems to me that one of the consequences of this decision by President Biden, which we consider a serious, important decision, in the right direction, but very limited and very late, is that the list of countries sponsoring terrorism has been demolished. It no longer exists. No one else will be able to believe in it, because it is an absolute, tangible confirmation that this list is not intended to combat the scourge of terrorism, but is a mere instrument, a vulgar instrument of political coercion against sovereign States. It has been the recognition of the truth. Cuba should never have been on that list, much less because of its status as a victim of State terrorism from the United States or because of its status as a victim until today of terrorist acts organized, financed, tolerated from the United States territory. Let us not forget some of the recent ones, the incitement that is seen on social media, I saw it this morning and I saw it yesterday, to violent acts, and the instigators do it from US territory. The person, the terrorist who fired bursts at the Cuban Embassy in Washington was released. There are numerous examples, and we do not forget the 3,478 dead and the 2,099 people with disabilities as a result of US state terrorism. Any situation that occurs with this list in the future can only confirm our statements. Secondly, it will be very difficult to maintain the coercive measures that arise from this list. It limits access to financial institutions and services in any country. How will the United States Government be able to sanction a bank or a country in the future for having financial relations with Cuba after this decision by President Biden? How will deposits, payments, transactions, credits, any movement of assets with any currency outside the United States be hindered after this certification? How will it be possible to intimidate or prevent foreign companies from trading with Cuba? Foreign companies that have suspended their relations with Cuba, banking institutions that have done so under the coercion of this list, would not accept in any way that these policies are reestablished. The effect of this list on the import of inputs, essential products for our people, for the functioning of our economy is very important. Who will be able to explain to a Cuban family if this were to be reversed in some way in the future, that there is justification for taking the measures that derive from this arbitrariness and that directly harm people? Because the blockade as a whole and this list in particular are aimed at causing harm to the Cuban family.
Another consequence of this list is the threat, the coercion, the prohibition of European and other citizens from using the US electronic visa authorization system. If something were to happen to this list in the future, other than forgetting about it, will anyone be able to demand that a European government not protect its citizens from such arbitrariness? Will anyone be able to explain to a European that he cannot travel to Cuba because Cuba is once again on a list that the President of the United States has declared to be unmotivated? So, it seems to me that these facts are very important and are lasting, and are definitive. The political, ethical, and even legal scope of this determination by President Biden will not be surpassed by any action, however arbitrary, extreme, dishonest or fraudulent, of a future US government. Second measure, the exemption from the application of Title III of the Helms-Burton. That is, a law intended to intimidate third parties, not only to guide the destruction of the constitutional order in Cuba, etc., but to intimidate third parties through a fierce extraterritorial application. The law contains an arbitrary and brutal violation of international law, which is to try in American courts people, entities, companies from third countries or Cubans for their economic ties with Cuba, outside of American jurisdiction or without any relationship with the United States of America. All American presidents signed the so-called waiver or dispensation from this list. Even the president-elect of the United States did so in the first part of his term. So this has a truly important effect on American courts. That is, American courts, the Supreme Court of the United States, which has rulings that consider nationalizations to be in accordance with rights, remember the Sabatino case, for example. The American courts will allow their credibility to be damaged because now someone allows unconstitutional acts and illegal acts to be committed from the point of view of international law and of the whole of American legislation, because they refuse to do the only decent and elementary thing, which is to continue signing this waiver so as not to incur in this very serious legal violation. So this effect is important, it is lasting, it is tangible, it is once again the recognition that what was being done was illegal and arbitrary. This, however, has a great pernicious effect, not only on international law, but on the flow of capital investment to Cuba, access to technologies, access to markets. But the threat is against foreign sovereignties, against foreign companies, against foreign governments. So, what powerful corporation, what foreign government will allow its national interests, its economic interests, those of its companies, its business people or its citizens to be affected by capricious decisions that come and go? Many foreign governments have antidote legislation to prevent these arbitrary acts from being committed. Well, it would be inconceivable that these governments, faced with the repetition of arbitrariness, would not use these laws. The third decision of the President of the United States of America, well, the second is shorter, I have it here, it is a paragraph, but it is a paragraph of the greatest interest. And the third is longer. These are the recipients. That is, it is a directive, it gives orders to almost the entire government of the United States of America. And this memorandum, the National Security Memorandum 5 of the President of the United States, has been repealed. It does not exist. It has been rendered ineffective, according to this paper that I have here, which has the signature of President Biden. And within this memorandum, one of the atrocities of the blockade against Cuba has also been eliminated, which is the so-called List of Restricted Entities of 2017. Capricious, arbitrary, absurd. In some cases it affects both public entities and private sector services in our country. Interestingly, it seems to be a list that some personnel who could return to the US government next week made up. There are funny versions of how they did this over coffee and using the internet.
So, the objective of this set of actions, of these actions that the presidential decision, the three presidential decisions on coercion against Cuban commercial and banking institutions, renders ineffective, should be expected to be reflected in some way in regulatory and practical conduct. This is also, and it would be enough to read the White House statement, which I have here as well. The White House statement recognizes the effect of these measures on the Cuban people, on Cuban citizens, on Cuban families. It recognizes that it causes humanitarian damage and denies the claim that these are measures aimed at protecting the Cuban people, empowering them, alleviating their difficulties and that they only harm the government or government officials. If you browse the digital networks, you can see that the Cuban people have received this news, these decisions of the US government, recognizing that they are positive, although they are limited and late, and also recognizing with wisdom and realism that they could be reversed. Now, why do people, our workers, our students, artists, athletes, young people, all sectors of Cuban society show such a high level of interest in these measures in the social conversation and share hope and participate in the debate based on the questions I have mentioned? Because they recognize that these measures have a direct relationship with the lives of each one of them, because they recognize their impact and because they know that, if these measures are finally stopped being applied, they will have a favorable effect on the lives of people, on Cuban families. I have been watching the hearings for nominations or appointments to positions in the next government of the United States these days. I have taken a look at them, because the truth is that they are very long, one must admit that they are very interesting. Remember the films for adults, what in Cuba they call the Saturday night movie, without adult language, sex, violence, drugs, alcohol, corruption, which are many of the topics unusually present in these hearings. Well, none of them are in their positions yet. If they were to take office, well, we will have to deal with that reality. But I must reiterate that our people, our government, will persist in denouncing the blockade. The right step is to continue lifting elements of the blockade. The only correct thing to do is to lift the blockade as a whole, to let Cubans live in peace. Just as we will defend with all our vigor and determination our independence and our sovereignty against any act of interference. Just as we will defend the observance of our Constitution and the application of our laws; just as we will preserve national security, internal order and citizen security; we will be willing to maintain, and I repeat again, we are willing to resume at any minute, a serious, responsible dialogue, based on international law, sovereign equality, the reciprocal benefit of both peoples, mutual respect without interference in our internal affairs. Thank you very much for your time and for your presence.
(Cubaminrex)